By Simnikiwe Hlatshaneni*
Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah’s ascent to the presidency on March 21, 2025, marked a historic first: she became Namibia’s first female head of state. A veteran of the independence era and long-time SWAPO loyalist, she took office amid a mixed economic picture. Namibia is enjoying a boom in oil, gas and green hydrogen investment, yet remains one of the world’s most unequal countries. In that context, financial markets and analysts note that SWAPO’s continued rule generally “reassures investors,” even as inequality and high unemployment (nearly 37% overall, over 44.4% for youth) pose urgent challenges. In her inaugural speech, Nandi-Ndaitwah warned that “business as usual” would not suffice and promised “radical shifts” on poverty and jobs.
Dr. Nandi-Ndaitwah’s electoral victory capped a contested campaign. The ruling SWAPO party garnered 58% of the vote in November 2024, but the opposition challenged the results. Namibia’s Supreme Court later dismissed those appeals, clearing the way for her to take power.
In a region where only Liberia’s Ellen Johnson Sirleaf had been directly elected female president, her rise is widely seen as a breakthrough for gender equality. In media interviews she acknowledged the extra scrutiny she faces: if she succeeds, it “will be seen as a good example, but any mistakes will unfairly be blamed on her gender. Nandi-Ndaitwah, a former freedom fighter, foreign minister and vice president, has struck a tone of unity and continuity, stressing that despite SWAPO’s longstanding dominance, the electorate sent a message that it still “trust[s] in the Swapo Party” while demanding better lives for ordinary Namibians.
From the outset, President Nandi-Ndaitwah has framed her mandate as addressing Namibia’s socio-economic gaps. In her first address after inauguration, she pledged to rebuild agriculture and diversify the economy. “We are going to increase investments in the agriculture sector to increase output and meet domestic food requirements,” she told parliament. At the same time, she emphasized that Namibians must gain more from the country’s mineral wealth. “We cannot continue exporting raw materials,” she declared in an international interview, stressing “we must invest in value-addition, and that starts now”.
Her campaign and early speeches repeatedly named food security, jobs, youth empowerment and land reform as interconnected priorities. In sum, her programme can be summarized as follows:
Analysts note that this agenda echoes long-standing SWAPO slogans but is delivered with new urgency. One commentator observed that, like previous presidents, Nandi-Ndaitwah inherited lofty goals, poverty eradication, industrialization and jobs, but must now fill in policy details. IPPR expert Graham Hopwood said her launch speeches are strong on vision; the question is whether she will specify the concrete steps needed to achieve them, as former President Geingob had tried (Geingob, in his first 100 days in 2015, had set strict deadlines for ministers to outline poverty-eradication plans).
In late April’s State of the Nation Address (SONA), Nandi-Ndaitwah unveiled several signature social reforms aimed at youth and education. Most prominently, she announced that starting in 2026 the government will fully subsidize tuition and registration fees at all public universities and technical colleges. “From the next academic year… tertiary education will become 100% subsidised by the government,” she said.
Alongside the free-education policy, she unveiled a N$257 million fund to support youth-owned micro and informal businesses and promised a national internship/apprenticeship programme to give school leavers on-the-job experience. She also vowed to build 10,000 low-cost housing units annually to help informal settlement dwellers, and to explore nuclear power development as part of a diversified energy strategy. In speeches she cited youth aspirations and Namibia’s slogan of “youth empowerment” to justify these measures.
Civil-society reaction was mixed. Many welcomed the intent, noting Namibia’s 44.4% youth jobless rate and saying education reforms are “groundbreaking”. But analysts immediately raised practical concerns. Dorthea Nangolo, head of the Namibian National Students Organisation, warned that doubling university enrollment could overwhelm campuses. Economist Johan Coetzee questioned whether tax revenues could cover the lost fees, given that universities already run deficits.
Opposition figures joined the critique: PDM leader McHenry Venaani acknowledged free education’s appeal but asked “how will the government create jobs for the thousands of young people who will now graduate?” He stressed that “the only industry able to create employment and grow the economy is agriculture,” implying more investment is needed there.
President Nandi-Ndaitwah has defended the plan as phased in over time, saying “we have heard your cries” about prohibitive tuition costs. Observers say this test will be determined by the 2026 budget allocations and job-market outcomes.
Nandi-Ndaitwah has begun reshaping government institutions to match her agenda. Within days of taking power, she announced a leaner cabinet: 14 ministers (down from 21) and 7 deputies (down from 21). She merged overlapping ministries to cut costs and improve efficiency – explicitly to “eradicate duplications” in government.
Key appointees included Ericah Shafudah, a former finance ministry official, as Finance Minister, and Lucia Witbooi as Vice President. Natangwe Ithete became Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Mines and Energy, overseeing Namibia’s emerging oil and gas sector. Notably, Nandi-Ndaitwah moved the entire oil and gas portfolio under the presidency’s direct control for “close monitoring”, citing its strategic importance. She has said the new oil industry will be “properly managed to benefit all Namibians,” implying stricter oversight than under predecessors.
Against a backdrop of long-perceived elite corruption, the president has cast herself as a reformer. In public remarks she equated graft to “treason” and vowed to strengthen transparency and the rule of law. Political analyst Rui Tyitende noted that her anticorruption rhetoric resonates with voters frustrated by scandals, but cautioned that turning speeches into measurable actions will take time.
The president’s merger of agencies and devolution of some powers to the presidency, along with a promise of service delivery, reflects a push for accountability. In this respect she follows Geingob’s model of demanding ministerial accountability, but unlike Geingob (whose initial cabinet was described as “bloated”), she began by slimming the executive.
On the emotionally charged issue of land reform, Nandi-Ndaitwah has so far favored a moderate approach. In interviews she repeated her commitment to a “willing-buyer, willing-seller” policy, rejecting expropriation without compensation. She acknowledged that “absent land owners” and white minority patterns persist as a “serious problem”, but signaled her preference for market-based redistribution. Land activists have expressed frustration with the slow pace of land transfers, and this remains a potential flashpoint.
More broadly, she has zeroed in on inequality. Namibia remains one of the world’s most unequal societies (2015 Gini ≈0.59). In her speeches she linked diversity and natural resources to a future of shared prosperity, and vowed to fight poverty by growing the economy. In particular she stressed uplifting rural and peri-urban poor through agricultural jobs and housing. Some civil-society observers note that addressing Namibia’s stark wealth gaps will require not just plans, but real redistribution. As one analyst put it, the electorate expects “concrete employment creation steps” without which “poverty… leads to dire [social] problems”.
Even as SWAPO holds a legislative majority, Nandi-Ndaitwah faces vocal skeptics. Many observers see continuity with SWAPO’s past – raising questions over whether she will truly diverge from the status quo. For example, economist Coetzee warned that Namibia’s civil service is “bloated and inefficient,” arguing that any new employment scheme must tackle bureaucracy. Opposition politicians have largely pledged to engage but have also demanded accountability. PDM’s Venaani, for instance, said he trusts the president to address national priorities, but immediately pressed her to justify cabinet cuts and policy details.
A common theme in critiques is timing. Critics note that some of the most eye-catching promises – free university education, expanded public service projects, large-scale housing – will take years and big budgets to fulfill. Political analyst Tyitende warned that judging the new government after only 100 days is premature: the real test will come as policies are implemented over 365 days and beyond.
For now, many young Namibians remain impatient. While Nandi-Ndaitwah enjoys historic stature and initial goodwill, polls indicate that SWAPO’s margins have shrunk, and youth discontent (echoed in high unemployment) remains a potent force.
President Nandi-Ndaitwah wasted little time building her foreign policy profile. Her first official trip in early May was to Angola, followed by Botswana and Zambia – all key SADC partners. In these visits she emphasized joint infrastructure and energy projects. In Angola, she and President Lourenço agreed to revive efforts on the Baynes hydropower plant on the Cunene River and to expand a cross-border railway, as well as to boost collaboration between their national oil companies.
In Zambia and Botswana, she discussed trade links via Namibia’s Walvis Bay port and cooperation in mining and logistics. Foreign-policy experts say this regional focus was to be expected. Retired diplomat Pius Dunaiski noted that new presidents in Southern Africa traditionally make quick rounds of neighboring capitals to build “goodwill” and set bilateral agendas. Analysts such as Marius Kudumo praised her reaffirmation of SADC ties, arguing that economic projects like railways and power plants are in Namibia’s strategic interest.
However, some caution that past governments have made similar promises without follow-through. One analyst pointed out that previous Namibian leaders also talked up regional refineries or transport corridors, but many projects stalled for lack of execution. Economist Omu Kakujaha-Matundu applauded her “pan-African” vision, but warned that rhetoric must be matched by “practical, deliverable” projects, such as the railway from Walvis Bay to Zambia or joint energy pipelines.
Beyond SADC, Nandi-Ndaitwah has signaled eagerness to attract global investment. In April she opened Namibia’s premier International Energy Conference, declaring that Namibia aims to be a “global energy hub” and highlighting policies to ensure local value addition. In a May visit to Mozambique, she toured a large thermal power plant and proposed deeper energy cooperation, lamenting that “our region is facing…energy scarcity” and urging joint projects in renewables and conventional power.
Namibian officials have also met with delegations from China, the EU and others to pitch Namibia’s promising oil and green-hydrogen sectors. Media report that investors so far view the country’s stability and SWAPO continuity favorably, even as they remain watchful of future economic reforms.
In many ways Nandi-Ndaitwah’s first 100 days echo the opening acts of her predecessors, yet with notable differences. Like President Hage Geingob in 2015, she has laid out a vision of a unified “Namibian house” of progress, and she has pressed ministers to deliver on his ambitious agenda. However, Geingob was criticized for expanding the government before later trimming it, whereas Nandi-Ndaitwah immediately cut the number of ministers and deputies nearly in half.
Both have emphasized fighting corruption and using the state to drive development. But Geingob’s early days were marked by deadlines and speeches; Nandi-Ndaitwah’s have been marked by headline-grabbing policies (like free education) and swift institutional reforms. Importantly, she brings a different persona – a seasoned diplomat – and her rhetoric on unity, youth and gender empowerment differs in tone from previous male presidents. Yet observers note that in substance she remains a SWAPO leader in the mould of her forebears: her biggest test will be delivering on the broad promises her party has long made on land, inequality and jobs. As one commentator quipped, voters will be watching to see if “we do what we say,” a phrase she echoed, by measuring concrete outputs rather than just slogans.
President Nandi-Ndaitwah’s first months in office have been eventful, setting an ambitious and reformist tone. She has cut government size, reshuffled ministries, launched popular social programs, and courted regional allies. So far, official metrics (GDP, unemployment, budget balance) show no dramatic turn – but it is also too early for data. Many analysts underscore that sweeping changes will play out over years, not months. As political scientist Rui Tyitende remarked, one should give the new administration at least a year before making a definitive judgment.
Meanwhile, public expectations remain high. Early civil-society feedback was hopeful yet cautious: student leaders and opposition parties say they will judge the president by follow-through on jobs, services and equity. For now, Nandi-Ndaitwah’s presidency is widely seen as Namibia’s “new era,” and her handling of these early reforms will shape confidence at home and abroad in the ambitious promises she has laid out.