By Ajong Mbapndah L*
At a defining moment in Zambia’s post-independence journey, Trevor Mwamba, leader of the historic United National Independence Party (UNIP), steps forward with a stark and unflinching assessment of the nation’s trajectory. As head of the party that led Zambia to independence under Kenneth Kaunda, Mwamba invokes both legacy and urgency—arguing that the country now stands at a “critical juncture” where economic strain, political tension, and social fragmentation are testing the very foundations of the republic.
In this wide-ranging and deeply candid interview, Mwamba critiques the leadership of Hakainde Hichilema, warning of a growing disconnect between macroeconomic recovery and the lived reality of ordinary citizens. While acknowledging gains in debt restructuring and international credibility, he paints a more sobering domestic picture—one marked by rising living costs, energy insecurity, shrinking democratic space, and widening inequality.
Crucially, Mwamba also makes a strong case for a united opposition front ahead of the 2026 general elections, arguing that Zambia’s fragmented political landscape must give way to strategic cooperation if meaningful change is to be achieved. Framing unity not as convenience but necessity, he points to ongoing efforts to build alliances around shared principles—restoring democratic balance, easing economic hardship, and rebuilding public trust in state institutions.
Yet beyond critique, Mwamba outlines an alternative vision rooted in UNIP’s founding philosophy of “humanism”—a call for a moral economy, homegrown solutions, and a renewed commitment to the unifying ethos of “One Zambia, One Nation.” As Zambia approaches a pivotal electoral cycle, his message is both a warning and a proposition: that political independence must now give way to true economic emancipation—anchored in unity, inclusion, and shared national purpose—or risk slipping further out of reach.
From your vantage point as leader of UNIP, how would you assess the current state of Zambia economically, politically, and socially?
Zambia’s current situation can best be understood as economically worrying, relatively politically stable, but still facing meaningful social pressures. The country is at critical juncture in our nation’s history since independence. The high optimism generated by the campaign promises of the current administration under the United Party for National Development (UPND) in 2021, evaporated in the harsh reality of economic hardships, high debt, rising costs of living, and the executive power grab.
The current state of Zambia can be perceived in two ways one is international and the other is domestic. The International perception of most western nations, financial institutions, and foreign mining companies sees the current administration favourably because of its economic policies which have benefited them. The other perception is domestic in which most Zambians do not see the current administration in a favourable light. It is seen as authoritarian, hostile and focused on an unbridled power grab which has seen oppressive laws being passed.
Economically, on the paper, Zambia is seen to be gradually recovering through the inflation, which has come down significantly hitting a single digit (7.5%) hoping these are real figure, national currency has also shown signs of strengthening. However, the economy remains vulnerable. Zambia has an environment where the cost of doing business and living is very high. So, the country dependents more on foreign imports than on domestic production. The energy crisis has also impacted Zambia the cost of fuel and electricity is very high. In regard to electricity a lot of small businesses have closed because of load shedding. This has made it difficult to achieve social and economic development across the country. As a result, many Zambians are facing extreme poverty and hardship.
Politically, though Zambia remains one of the more stable democracies in the region, and despite it being perceived to operate under a multi-party system, the reality on the ground is different. The current administration is seen as persistently harassing, arresting, and jailing political opponents and critics. The latest publication of the Human Rights Watch 2026 Country Report details the extensive abuse of human rights and the state clamping down on citizens’ freedom of expression.
The current administration has shown the contrary to its election promises of expanding the democratic space. Freedom of speech has been severely restricted. The opposition parties have been neutralised and weakened by the direct interference of the administration in opposition parties internal polity.
The general mood in the country politically is one which sees the current administration as dictatorial and not embracing of its citizens. So questions around political freedoms and institutional independence still arise in terms of political democracy in the country.
Socially, we can speak of the polarisation of our society because of a deliberate and politically orchestrated policy to benefit and promote particular ethnic groups over others which is contrary to the spirit of One Zambia One Nation on which Zambia was founded and has been the anchor of its democracy and development for decades. The country needs to get back to the fundamental values that has characterised the people of Zambia of embracing and uplifting each other irrespective of ethnicity, race, creed, or language in the “spirit of humanism”.
In addition, the living standards have fallen drastically. The high food prices and severe energy crisis, have led to widespread social misery. Contrary to Zambia’s economy improving because of debt re-structuring this means nothing to Zambians who cannot afford the 250 Kwacha for a bag of mealie meal or feast on debt re-structuring.
In this context then my party UNIP in power would introduce a “social agenda” with focus on home-grown solutions to address the extreme poverty that has left Zambia with significant economic issues. We would pursue a thriving moral economy; this means an equitable economy which benefits the poor and vulnerable in Zambia. We would treat economic management as a moral obligation by investing in our farmers and small businesses to give them the opportunity to thrive.
What are the most pressing concerns facing ordinary citizens today?
The most pressing concerns facing ordinary Zambians today is daily survival, economic opportunity, and access to basic services. While macro-economic conditions have shown signs of stabilizing, with inflation dipping to 7.5% in February 2026, households continue to struggle with expensive basic goods, high debt servicing, and unemployment.
Poverty is one of the biggest issues the country is facing. Around 60-70% of the population lives below the poverty line, meaning many people struggle to meet basic needs like food, shelter, and healthcare. Poverty is especially severe in rural areas, where it affects nearly 80% of residents, but it is also rising in urban areas. This makes it one of the most widespread and persistent challenges in the country.
Closely linked to this is the high cost of living, even though inflation has declined, prices for essentials, especially food, fuel, and transport remain high relative to incomes. Many people feel that their wages have not kept up with the cost of living, creating ongoing financial pressure. For households already below the poverty line, even small price increases have a major impact.
Another major concern is unemployment and limited job opportunities, particularly for young people. Unemployment remains a significant issue, with many citizens, particularly in the informal sector, struggling to meet daily needs. Economic growth has not translated into enough formal jobs. Data shows that employment conditions have actually worsened in recent years, with rising unemployment and declining formal employment opportunities. This has left many people without stable or reliable incomes.
There are also serious challenges related to public services, including healthcare, and social protection albeit there is a highly praised “free education”.
A large proportion of the national budget is committed to debt servicing, which limits resources available for public services and social welfare. As a result, issues like overcrowded classrooms, limited access to medicines, and underfunded social programs continue to affect everyday life, especially for poorer communities.
In addition, energy and infrastructure problems especially electricity shortages remain a serious concern. Power outages (load shedding), often linked to drought and reliance on hydroelectric power, disrupt businesses, schools, and households. This not only affects quality of life but also limits economic productivity and job creation.
Finally, many citizens are dealing with the effects of climate shocks, particularly droughts. Since a large portion of the population depends on agriculture, changes in rainfall and weather patterns directly affect food security and income. Climate-related risks are now a major underlying factor worsening poverty and economic vulnerability.
Zambia has been navigating economic pressures including high living costs and debt restructuring. How do you evaluate the country’s economic direction under President Hakainde Hichilema, and what would you do differently?
Evaluating President Hakainde Hichilema’s administration involves the primary focus for the past five years on the debt restructuring process against the persistent cost of living challenges for ordinary Zambians. Very little else has taken place in terms of economic development.
The country has seen the local oil refinery close down in favour of importing fuel from other countries which is a choice to go expensive rather than to go on value addition.
There is also large-scale commercialisation of the energy sector which means energy itself has become a product that attracts a profit rather than a catalyst for economic growth. This has not helped the country to progress.
As an alternative the UPND administration should have focused on reducing the impact on fossil fuels which is imported by reducing the demand. This would have been possible if a railway network was developed in the last five years which would have reduced the price of fuel by about 50% because trains use less diesel than trucks and buses in terms of carrying capacity.
Another option would have been to resuscitate the country oil refinery to assure value addition to the oil that is being imported to refine into petroleum products. The challenge of energy and shortage of electricity could have been better addressed if the country focused more on hydroelectric stations on the seven rivers, three major lakes and nineteen water falls that the country has. These have a capacity of generating 10 gigawatts of power compared to the 3.8 gigawatts that we are currently producing at peak. This would have meant even in a drought season; the country would still have been able to generate enough power to fire up the economy because wherever the water runs you can have a hydroelectric power station to generate power irrespective of the size.
In addition to hydropower, the administration should have accelerated the transition to solar and wind power.
Another alternative would have been directing more affordable credit specifically to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) which still struggle with high borrowing costs compared to the mining sector.
In mining moving beyond raw copper exports by implementing stricter policies for local mineral processing and manufacturing to create more high-skilled domestic jobs.
In addressing the cost-of-living crisis relief should have been sought in implementing more direct, short-term subsidies or “safety net” measures for staple foods to mitigate the immediate impact of high prices while waiting for long-term macroeconomic gains to trickle down.
However, many ordinary people do not yet feel these improvements in their daily lives. Jobs are still hard to find, especially for young people. The cost of living remains high, and many families are still struggling to meet basic needs. This shows that while the economy looks better on paper, the benefits are not reaching everyone.
Another concern is that Zambia still depends heavily on copper. This makes the economy vulnerable to changes in global prices. If copper prices fall, the country could face problems again. At the same time, efforts to grow other sectors like manufacturing and tourism have been slow.
The government has also followed strict spending rules to manage debt. While this is important, it has limited how much can be spent on public services and social support. This has added pressure on households, especially poorer ones.
If I were to do things differently, I would focus more on creating jobs quickly. This could be done by supporting small businesses, investing in agriculture and local industries, and encouraging sectors that employ many people. I would also work faster to reduce dependence on copper by developing other parts of the economy, like tourism. In addition, I would increase support for vulnerable households, such as through cash transfers or food programs. This would help people cope with the cost of living while the economy continues to recover. I would also prioritize improving electricity supply, since reliable power is important for both businesses and daily life.
UNIP played a historic role in Zambia’s independence and early state-building. What is the current state of the party today, and how are you working to reposition it as a relevant force in contemporary politics?
The current state of the United National Independence Party (UNIP) is that its “Re-Branding” and engaged in restructuring lower-level units, including national and provincial structures in the ten provinces. The party is passionately welcoming the participation of youth and women in its modernisation process.
I see the primary role of UNIP as Zambia’s founding party that brought about political independence, in this new era, as leading the push for economic independence. The independence era was about political independence and now, the focus should now be on ensuring a golden age for Zambia by bringing about economic independence and growth that is equitable and beneficial to all Zambians and local and international investors.
The focus is on building infrastructures that would make Zambia independent and using our resources to build Zambia’s wealth. UNIP is looking at making the Zambian people become the largest tax payers in the economy so they can be able to support the national budget. And actually, own the economy for their benefit.
In this regard UNIP will also strive to make Zambia the breadbasket and services centre of the subregion. Zambia is blessed to be bordered by eight countries and has the opportunity to develop its economy to feed the subregion and also be able to offer medical, educational, financial, aviation, manufacturing, and other services where Zambia becomes a centre of these products and is able to offer them to our neighbours.
UNIP has an admirable track record. After independence UNIP played a major role in building domestically owned infrastructure. So UNIP was largely responsible for the development of many state-owned enterprises that were very useful to our country’s economic growth. This included for example the TAZARA railway system, the Indeni Oil Refinery, the TAZAM pipeline, the Livingstone Motor Assembly Plant, manufacturing plants, and many other enterprises.
I believe that UNIP’s role as a relevant force in contemporary politics is to craft our politics to be one of morality and decency so we can live together in the spirit of love, justice, integrity, righteousness, peace, and unity as Zambians. What our founding President Kaunda called humanism.
Humanism places people at the center of all development. It prioritises that economic and social growth must primarily uplift the welfare of the people, especially the poor and vulnerable.
We unfortunately have strayed from this ideal with disparities widening and our people feeling uncared for. Zambia more than ever needs caring leaders and policies that ensure the welfare of Zambians are well looked after, and have access to quality education, healthcare, and fair productive economic resources.
What is passing for politics today in Zambia, is more about the preservation of power than improving the lives of Zambians. We have been betrayed by those who have benefitted from the labours of our independence leaders.
UNIP’s role is working together with other progressive parties and people of good will to return to the noble values of love and selfless service that inspired our founders.
I believe UNIP with its long history and resilience in the spirit of our motto One Zambia One Nation bidding all Zambians irrespective of race, creed, ethnicity, and nationality shall make a significant impact in our contemporary politics.
Looking at the balance sheet of the current administration, what would you identify as its most notable achievements and its most significant shortcomings?
Based on the “balance sheet” of the United Party for National Development (UPND) administration in Zambia from 2021 to early 2026, the government has achieved significant success in macroeconomic stabilization, debt restructuring, while facing major shortcomings in the cost of living, energy security, governance, and job creation.
I would identify the following as some notable achievements of the UPND administration.
First, they negotiated a major debt restructuring deal with creditors under the G20 Common Framework, becoming a landmark case in African debt management. The government also managed to improve international credibility.
Second, the administration also reintroduced free education up to secondary level, resulting in over 2 million learners returning to school. It also recruited over 45,000 teachers and over 14,000 health workers, addressing long-standing staffing shortages in rural areas. We should note however that the quality of education is poor.
Third, the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) was increased from K1.6 million per constituency to K30.6 million by 2025, enabling localized infrastructure development of clinics, schools, and desks. However, the impact of this increase is yet to be seen as the quality of the most of the infrastructure developed has been questionable.
Fourth, the administration enacted the Access to Information law, and abolished the death penalty.
Fifth, in the mining sector, the administration facilitated the recapitalization of Mopani Copper Mines with an investment of US$1.1 billion and successfully resumed operations at Konkola Copper Mines (KCM) on the Copperbelt. However, these efforts have faced several challenges, including delays in securing long-term financing, concerns over investor confidence, legacy debt obligations, operational inefficiencies, and the need to stabilize production levels amid fluctuating global copper prices.
In regard to its significant shortcomings, we can identify the following. First, the high cost of living despite the decline in inflation, the removal of subsidies on fuel and electricity, combined with a weakened Kwacha have led to sharp increases in essential commodity prices of mealie meal and fuel.
Second, the administration has failed to resolve the chronic energy shortages, leading to long hours of load-shedding that impacted small businesses and households resulting in many closing.
Third, whilst the public sector employment of teachers and nurses increased, the creation of private-sector jobs has been insignificant resulting in high youth unemployment and disillusionment.
Fourth, the Farmer Input Support Programme (FISP) experienced distribution challenges, resulting in hunger and poverty in rural communities, forcing the government to import maize having sold previously its surplus.
Fifth, the administration has disdained nation building by not caring that everybody felt a part of Zambia. The ethnic background of people has been deliberately highlighted contrary to the motto of One Zambia One Nation. It has also been difficult to get the country to develop across the domestic spectrum, as there is development mainly with the foreign investors and Zambians are merely spectators in their own economy to foreign investors.
Sixth, the administration has shrunk the democratic space in Zambia and become increasingly authoritarian and hostile by-passing oppressive laws these include new constitutional amendments that were passed illegally and against the ruling of the Constitutional Court as well as the objection of the majority of Zambians.
As the opposition prepares for the next elections, what is the central case you are making to voters for why President Hichilema should not be granted a second term ?
As the 2026 general elections approach, the Zambian opposition is centering its case against a second term simply on the basis that President has failed to fulfil the promises he made to the Zambian people which was the reason he was elected. Instead of making life better for the people, he has made it worse than it was with bad governance and failing to stabilise the economy and provide relief for ordinary Zambians.
In opposition President Hichilema championed democracy and the rule of law but in office he has metamorphosed to absolute power and is systematically undermining democratic institutions including opposition parties.
President Hichilema actions in power contradicts the principles and character he presented when seeking it. While he may project a certain image, one of integrity, consistency, or commitment, his behavior has revealed a different reality. Decisions, policies, or alliances made under his leadership often stand in stark contrast to his earlier promises or stated values, creating a pattern of inconsistency. This reversal raises concerns about credibility and reliability.
Leadership requires not just strong messaging, but alignment between words and actions. When a leader appears to change fundamentally upon gaining power, it becomes difficult to discern which version truly reflects their intentions. Such a disconnect erodes public confidence and makes it challenging for people to place their trust in future commitments.
Ultimately, the issue is not simply disagreement with his policies, but the perception that he does not remain true to his own stated ideals when it matters most.
Opposition parties have increasingly raised concerns about what they describe as the systematic institutional capture of key democratic bodies, particularly the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) and the Judiciary. According to these claims, individuals perceived to be politically aligned with those in power have been strategically placed within these institutions, potentially compromising their independence and neutrality.
In addition, such developments risk undermining the credibility of electoral processes and judicial oversight, both of which are essential pillars of a functioning democracy. The concern is not merely about isolated appointments, but about a broader pattern that could influence decision-making in ways that favor a particular political outcome. As the country approaches the 2026 elections, opposition groups warn that this alleged partisan influence may shape electoral administration, dispute resolution, and legal interpretations in ways that tilt the playing field. They contend that without strong safeguards to ensure impartiality, public trust in both the electoral system and the rule of law could be significantly weakened.
Zambia’s opposition has often struggled with fragmentation. What concrete efforts are being made to build unity among opposition parties ahead of the elections?
There have been significant efforts under the auspices of the Council of Elders for Ethical Leadership, to encourage political parties to work together. My party UNIP is actively involved in this process. What we need in Zambia now is not confrontational politics but the politics of working together. This embraces even the ruling party. After all we are all Zambians and no party or individual has monopoly over wisdom. Or eloquently put in this African proverb “Wisdom is like a baobab tree; no one individual can embrace it.” All parties in Zambia can work together. And we must.
We are calling our Alliance the Zambia Alliance for the 4th Republic.
The Alliances are also proposing unified alternatives for economic issues like inflation, fuel prices, and energy access, governance, and constitutional reforms.
Do you believe a broad opposition coalition is possible, and if so, what common principles or agenda could realistically bring diverse political actors together?
Yes, a broad opposition coalition is possible, but its viability depends on strategic alignment rather than total ideological agreement. The narrow-shared vision that is drawing together the different political parties are the restoration of democratic norms and rule of law. The most realistic binding principle would be “competitive democracy and institutional balance” a commitment to electoral reforms, stronger parliamentary oversight, and limits on executive power, which nearly all opposition actors can agree on regardless of economic ideology.
Closely tied to this would be a shared narrative of economic relief and inclusion, focusing on cost-of-living pressures, job creation, and support for farmers and informal workers, without requiring deep agreement on whether solutions should be market-led or state-driven.
A coalition would also rally around recalibrating economic policy pace. Another unifying plank would likely be “non-selective governance”, framing anti-corruption and law enforcement as impartial and institutional rather than politically targeted an issue that resonates across parties that feel excluded from state power.
For such a coalition to hold, however, policy agreement alone would not be enough; it would require elite bargaining mechanisms, such as pre-agreed power-sharing formulas, a single presidential candidate, and constituency-level coordination to avoid splitting votes areas where past Zambian alliances have often failed.
The biggest obstacle is not ideological incompatibility but trust and leadership competition, particularly between all players. In practice, the most viable coalition would therefore be strategically shallow but electorally focused: united on restoring balance in governance, easing economic pressure, and coordinating electorally while postponing deeper policy disagreements until after gaining power and remain true to:
▪ Committed to constitutionalism by ensuring that Zambia shall finally have a people driven Constitution which will curb authoritarian tendencies of an incumbent, and limit the misuse of state apparatus.
▪ Committed to ensuring fair elections, by establishing an impartial electoral commission.
▪ Committed to creating a joint plan to manage the economy, combat corruption, and address cost-of-living issues, which provides a positive agenda beyond merely removing the incumbent.
A broad coalition is more likely to succeed when it is seen as credible, can agree on a single candidate to avoid vote splitting, and operates transparently, explaining its coalition agenda clearly to the public.
Beyond simply seeking to unseat the incumbent, what specific policies or reforms would UNIP and a potential opposition coalition implement that would meaningfully change Zambia’s governance and economic direction?
United National Independence Party (UNIP) or broader opposition coalition would likely propose a shift toward a more state-directed economic model. UNIP and the progressive parties are proposing the following specific policies and governance changes as a social contract with the Zambian people:
1. Governance and Institutional Reforms
▪ Reversal of Constitutional Amendments: Opposition parties are actively opposing proposed constitutional changes by the UPND that would increase the number of nominated MPs and allow the president to “pack” parliament with loyalists. They advocate for stricter constitutional safeguards against executive overreach.
▪ Separation of Powers: A key proposal is to stop appointing cabinet ministers from parliament to prevent the abuse of executive power and enhance the independence of the legislature.
▪ Decentralization of Power: The Opposition parties argue that current governance is too centralized and reliant on the center for funding, and promise to implement reforms that meaningfully empower local governments rather than bringing them under the control of ruling party MPs.
▪ Restoring Rule of Law: The opposition claims to be fighting against the “politicization of state institutions” and “selective justice,” promising a return to civil administration, the abolition of a “handout culture,” and protection against cyber laws that restrict freedom of speech.
2. Economic Direction and Structural Changes
▪ Empowering Local Investors: UNIP shall encourage local investors and Zambians in the diaspora to invest locally and promote a social agenda with “home-grown solutions” aimed at addressing high poverty levels.
▪ Job Creation and Empowerments:
▪ Opposition parties are promising a swift move towards reducing fuel prices and load-shedding, alongside a “nationalized” approach to youth empowerment through local skills development and jobs.
▪ Revisiting Mining and Privatization: UNIP shall ensure better tax rate for multinational mining corporations to ensure Zambians benefit from high copper prices, reversing the trend of low taxation and alleged mismanagement of the mining sector.
▪ Nationalized Focus: The coalition aims to shift from regionalism to a “national” agenda, preserving, guarding and protecting our national motto One Zambia One Nation.
Do you believe Zambia’s democratic institutions—including the electoral commission, judiciary, and security services—are strong enough to guarantee credible, free, and fair elections?
Zambia has the key institutions required for democratic elections, including the Electoral Commission of Zambia(ECZ), the judiciary, and security services, and these are generally capable of organizing and managing elections. However, their effectiveness to guarantee credible, free, and fair elections is very mixed.
The ECZ is technically competent but faces questions about independence and transparency. The judiciary can act as a check, but delays and perceptions of political influence can weaken public confidence.
Security services are meant to ensure order, yet concerns about uneven enforcement of laws and bias can affect the fairness of the political playing field. In general, Zambia has a functioning democratic framework, but the credibility of elections depends not just on these institutions existing, but on how independently and impartially they operate in practice.
The independence of Zambia’s democratic institutions, that is Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ), the Judiciary, and the Security Services is a subject of intense national debate. While these bodies have launched strategic preparations for the August 13, 2026, general elections, they face significant scrutiny regarding their ability to guarantee a credible process.
The Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ)
The ECZ has a historical reputation for administrative capacity, but its current leadership faces polarized perceptions.
The ECZ has established a clear 2026 Election Roadmap, including district-level consultations and a voter registration exercise that added approximately 758,000 new voters by late 2025.
Opposition parties and civil society have called for the commission’s disbandment, alleging it is compromised by “pro-government zealots”. Concerns have also been raised by Transparency International Zambia regarding procurement irregularities in the voter registration process.
The Judiciary
The judiciary is currently undergoing a major “test” of its independence, primarily centered on the Constitutional Court. In late 2024, President Hichilema suspended three Constitutional Court judges—Annie Sitali, Mungeni Mulenga, and Palan Mulonda—just days before they were to hear a critical case regarding former President Edgar Lungu’s eligibility to run in 2026. Critics argue this move suggests executive overreach intended to influence the court’s composition and ruling.
Security Services
The Zambia Police Service is actively scaling up its presence but faces questions about its neutrality. A 2025-2031 security plan was launched to enhance professionalism and community trust. However, the recent removal of key checkpoints has been viewed by some as suspicious, and government ministers have urged the service to remain strictly non-partisan to avoid narratives of bias or repression.
While the official roadmap is in place, the credibility of the 2026 elections will largely depend on whether these institutions can demonstrate impartiality in the face of high-stakes political competition and allegations of executive interference.
The remains of former President Edgar Lungu are still in South Africa, an issue that has stirred national debate. What does this situation say about the current political climate in Zambia ?
The situation surrounding the remains of Edgar Lungu being in South Africa and not yet repatriated is quite revealing about Zambia’s current political climate. The situation seriously goes contrary to the spirit of a country that declares itself a Christian Nation as well as African philosophy of Ubuntuism and Humanism that treats the other with dignity, respect and honour especially the grieving.
At a broad level, it points to deep political polarisation. In a highly unified political environment, matters involving a former head of state especially something as sensitive as burial are usually handled with sensitivity, dignity, respectful dialogue, between the State and the family. From my experience the State will be guide by the wishes of family not the other way round.
Regrettably in Zambia the current political climate is a very cold and dark space devoid of love and the milk of human kindness.
The standoff stems from a bitter feud where the government of President Hakainde Hichilema believe the remains of a former President belongs to the State not the family.
Accordingly on the day of his funeral President Lungu’s family were prevented from burying him by the Zambian government through a court injunction in a Pretoria High Court in South Africa. President Lungu final wish, often reported, was that his long-time rival, President Hichilema should not be involved in his funeral.
The case has now reached the South African Supreme Court of Appeal as of February 2026. In the final analysis the family not the State has the moral right to bury a dearly departed. The Attorney General of Zambia should do the decent thing by withdrawing the case.
The impasse represents a breakdown in compassion and empathy and loss of our moral compass on which Zambian was founded of One Zambia One Nation.
It’s a sombre lesson for our Zambian politics today that we do not need another politician but a healer, a reconciler, a restorer, a unifier, a good shepherd, an intercessor, a servant of God’s people in Zambia. That’s what Zambia is in need of. And all shall be well.
*Culled from April Edition of PAV Magazine
