By Boris Esono Nwenfor
From Abidjan to Dar es Salaam to Yaoundé, Africa’s political landscape is showing troubling signs of democratic decay. Recent elections across the continent have followed a familiar and worrisome pattern of sidelining of opposition voices, violent suppression of dissent, and a growing sense of disillusionment among millions of young voters demanding accountability.
In the Ivory Coast, President Alassane Ouattara secured a contentious fourth term after his main challenger was barred from running, reigniting political tensions in a nation still healing from past crises. In Tanzania, optimism that President Samia Suluhu Hassan would usher in a new era of openness faded as the polls were marred by violence and the exclusion of key opposition figures. The story is similar in several countries across the region, where flawed electoral processes are eroding trust in democracy.
The trend, according to observers, threatens to deepen public frustration and further weaken fragile institutions, particularly in a continent where 70 per cent of the population is under the age of 30 and increasingly vocal about wanting real political competition.
In a wide-ranging interview on Nigeria’s Arise TV, Dr Christopher Fomunyoh, Africa Director of the National Democratic Institute (NDI), argued that democracy is not a foreign concept for Africa, but the current Western-style models need adaptation to the continent’s unique historical, cultural, and demographic realities.
Has Western-Style Democracy Failed Africa?
The recurring political instability has fueled debate about whether Western-style democracy is suitable for African nations. Dr Fomunyoh rejects the notion. “Democracy is not foreign to Africans,” he says. “Before colonialism, many communities had checks and balances—chiefs and kingmakers.”
He argues that the real challenge lies in building inclusive nation-states capable of accommodating diverse populations. “Those who say democracy isn’t African offer no alternative. Dictatorship can’t be the answer.”
Recent coups in West Africa have revived nostalgia for military rule, especially among young people frustrated by corruption and weak institutions. But Dr Fomunyoh warns that juntas quickly become repressive.
“People protest because they want more democracy, not less. Militaries exploit grievances, but once in power, they deny people the freedoms they demand.”
From Cameroon to Gabon to Tanzania, Dr Fomunyoh sees similar patterns, flawed elections, exclusion of opponents, and democratic regression. Africa once enjoyed a wave of political liberalisation in the 1990s, but the pendulum has swung back.
Still, he notes positive examples, Botswana’s strong institutions and Namibia’s election of a female president, as signs that democratic renewal is possible.
Gen Z: Africa’s New Political Force
One of the most profound shifts in African politics today is the emergence of Gen Z as a vocal, organised, and issue-driven force. “These movements, from Nigeria’s EndSARS to Kenya’s Gen Z protests, are centred on accountability, transparency, and justice,” Dr Fomunyoh says. “This is a positive development.” With Africa’s youth population projected to be one-third of the world’s young people by 2050, their influence will only grow.
Confidence in the African Union remains low, partly because the organisation often appears reactive and politically constrained. Dr Fomunyoh acknowledges the AU’s strong democratic frameworks, but laments their poor implementation.
“The AU has the right architecture, but it’s not enforced,” he says, pointing to Tanzania’s election, where the AU chair congratulated the winner despite reports of violence. He argues that Africa needs more principled leadership within the AU to stand up for citizens, not just presidents.
Cameroon: A Democracy in Name Only?
Cameroon’s disputed polls have drawn international attention, largely because of the age and tenure of President Paul Biya, who at 92 secured yet another term in office. Dr Fomunyoh does not mince words when assessing the state of Cameroon’s democracy.
“It’s difficult to explain that a 93-year-old individual seeks to serve another seven years in a country where the median age is 19,” he says. “Many Cameroonians still believe Biya did not win the election.”
With allegations that opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma may have garnered more votes than officially declared, Dr Fomunyoh argues the legitimacy of the government remains fragile. The political stagnation, he adds, is rooted in decades of authoritarian survival tactics—corruption, patronage networks, and the repression of dissent. “Opposition leaders are either in jail or in exile. In such a context, it’s hard to call the system a democracy.”
Eight years on, Cameroon continues to grapple with an armed conflict in its Anglophone regions, home to 20 per cent of the population. Sparked by peaceful protests from teachers and lawyers, the crisis escalated after government crackdowns. “People are still dying,” Dr Fomunyoh stresses. “Biya is no longer mentally or physically capable of resolving this conflict.”
Compounding the crisis are Boko Haram incursions in the north and now a post-election dispute, further pushing the country toward instability. Cameroon’s dependency on foreign partnerships gives the international community leverage that Dr Fomunyoh believes is not being used effectively.
“The world doesn’t need to wait for a full-blown catastrophe,” he argues. “Many Cameroonians feel abandoned because international partners have stayed silent.” He notes that meaningful engagement now could prevent deeper conflict down the line.
An Electoral System Stuck in the Past
Cameroon’s electoral machinery has long been criticised for its outdated procedures. The system, shaped in 2012 but rooted in practices stretching back decades, requires votes to be tallied through three separate administrative levels before they reach the Constitutional Council for final validation. In a digital age, this multi-layered, paper-heavy process appears antiquated—if not intentionally opaque.
Neighbouring countries have modernised. Nigeria, with over 90 million registered voters, now uses electronic transmission for instantaneous polling-station results. In Cameroon, tally sheets travel by road, sometimes under military escort, through a labyrinth of administrative steps that invite suspicion, delay, and potential tampering.
Compounding this archaic system is the country’s paradoxical political structure: a youthful population, median age 19, ruled almost entirely by men in their 70s, 80s, and 90s. Citizens as young as 18 may be adults, but cannot vote until age 20; a barrier critics say intentionally dampens youth participation.
If the 2025 election offered one glimmer of democratic promise, it was the extraordinary mobilisation of civil society. Thousands of citizens, many young and technology-savvy, organised to monitor the polls, collect tally sheets, and compile independent results. Their determination, despite threats of arrest, suggested a new civic consciousness rising across Cameroon.
Their findings, however, have fueled the crisis. Almost all citizen-led tallies point to a Tchiroma victory, some by wide margins, contradicting the Constitutional Council’s declaration.
But political space in Cameroon remains suffocatingly narrow. Opposition leaders and activists are routinely targeted. The Yaoundé central prison is filled with political prisoners, many detained simply for advocating basic democratic rights.
With rising youth activism, mounting frustration, and a growing demand for accountability, Africa finds itself at a crossroads. Whether the continent moves toward democratic renewal or deeper authoritarianism depends on decisions being made today, by leaders, citizens, and the international community.
Analysts like Dr Fomunyoh warn that the warning signs are flashing red. “We need more positive stories in African governance,” he says. “The younger generation is asking to be governed differently. It’s time our leaders listened.”
