By Boris Esono Nwenfor
BUEA, Cameroon – Dr Christopher Fomunyoh, Senior Associate for Africa at the National Democratic Institute (NDI), has raised fresh alarms about what he describes as a worrying pattern of democratic regression across the continent, following a series of controversial elections and political crises in recent months.
Speaking on the programme In Depth on Cameroonian media Dash TV, Dr Fomunyoh said recent electoral processes in several African countries have exposed deepening threats to political pluralism, constitutionalism, and citizens’ trust in democratic institutions. He pointed to disputed vote counts, prolonged post-election tensions, and restrictions on civic space as indicators that democratic norms are being eroded.
“We are at a point where elections are still costing lives, destroying property, and sending hundreds to jail,” Fomunyoh said. “If we cannot organise transparent processes that instil confidence in citizens, then the independence our forefathers fought for is all in vain.”
The dust is settling on a politically charged year for Africa as 2025 delivered a mosaic of electoral victories, violent ruptures, and questions about the continent’s democratic trajectory. From West Africa to the Great Lakes, millions of citizens cast ballots in pivotal presidential and parliamentary elections, yet in many countries, the outcomes exposed deep institutional weaknesses and renewed fears of democratic backsliding.
Deepening post-election crisis in Cameroon
The spotlight inevitably returned to Cameroon, where presidential elections on October 12 plunged the country into turbulence. Protests, mass arrests, and contested results have left the population polarised and sceptical of the official outcome announced on November 6.
Fomunyoh began the conversation on a sombre note, acknowledging the recent death of opposition figure Anicet Ekane, who died in detention in Yaoundé. “It’s tragic for our country,” Fomunyoh said. “My heart goes out to his family and to all advocates of freedom and democracy. It’s a sad day.”
According to Fomunyoh, Cameroon’s crisis stems from longstanding weaknesses in the electoral architecture. He pointed to the disqualification of several opposition candidates, which many citizens interpreted as the political instrumentalisation of the judiciary.
He also criticised the multi-layered vote-tabulation system, calling it “vulnerable and opaque.” “The figures compiled by political parties and civil society do not align with the official results,” he said. “The controversy at the heart of this election shows just how weak and fragile our democracy has become.”
Fomunyoh urged ELECAM, the national elections body, to publish polling-site results to restore public trust. “ELECAM has the data. Withholding it is incomprehensible and almost tantamount to treason.”
Voter turnout was another concern. Despite 8.2 million registered voters, only about half cast ballots. Fomunyoh partly blamed the country’s unusually high voting age of 20 and questioned the credibility of turnout numbers in conflict-scarred regions, such as the North West and South West.
A Return to Military Interference in Guinea-Bissau
If Cameroon exposed institutional weaknesses, Guinea-Bissau’s election delivered a direct assault on the democratic order. Just as early vote counts suggested a likely opposition victory, soldiers intervened, removing President Umaro Sissoco Embaló before final results could be announced.
“The backsliding in West Africa is visible and enormous,” Fomunyoh warned. “West Africa once led the continent in democratic governance, but today five countries are under military rule.”
He echoed concerns from regional leaders, including former Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan, that the intervention was designed to block a peaceful transfer of power. “If this precedent stands, the progress of the last 30 years will be wiped out,” he said.
Turning to East Africa, Fomunyoh condemned the conduct of Tanzania’s election, where President Samia Suluhu Hassan secured a controversial 97% victory amid violence, arrests, and intimidation.
“Even in the former Soviet Union, no one wins elections with 97%,” he said. “This is an embarrassment, and it undermines the belief that women govern differently.”
ECOWAS Under Strain
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), once hailed as Africa’s most assertive democratic watchdog, is “fragilized” by the withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. “All of ECOWAS’s economic and political vision, common currency, free movement, and regional integration, risks being derailed,” Fomunyoh cautioned.
Western powers have also contributed to the confusion, he said, criticising their inconsistent reactions to coups and constitutional manipulation. “You cannot condemn military coups in one country while tolerating them in another. Citizens see the inconsistency and conclude.”
With the Central African Republic heading to the polls on December 28 and Uganda preparing for elections in early 2026, Fomunyoh urged vigilance and reform.
He praised CAR for opening the field to multiple presidential contenders, something he described as “surprising but encouraging” given the country’s history. But he warned that without strong institutions and credible electoral systems, many African states risk repeating the crises witnessed in 2025.
Despite the alarming trends, Fomunyoh remains hopeful. “Africans are ripe for democracy. They want more freedoms, more transparency, and more accountability,” he said. “But for democracy to thrive, we need democrats, leaders who believe in the rule of law and peaceful alternation of power.”
