Party flagbearers took time and resources to craft manifestos or political programmes with so much intellectual might
INTRODUCTION
For two weeks Presidential aspirants engaged the Cameroon population on their road maps to the Presidency. The 2025 Presidential campaigns leading to the 12 October Polls have been as enriching as they have been intriguing. Party flagbearers took time and resources to craft manifestos or political programmes with so much intellectual might. So rich are these manifestos that it would be a disservice to our national discourse were they to be regarded as mere disposable and dispensable material after the election white smoke. So interrelated are these manifestos that the major line between the winner and the rest (if manifestos are the determining factor) would arguably lie on extra-campaign considerations. So cross-cutting are they that even in their diversity they still mirror the concerns of today’s electorate and encapsulate the expectations of tomorrow’s generation.
Without going through the full spectrum of each manifesto and having faced the challenge of unavailability of some of the manifestos, this essay limits itself to Five THREADS that were woven on the tapestry of virtually each candidate’s programme. These include National Dialogue, Form of state, The Anglophone problem, Economic model and Education reform. But before opening these threads, I would like to cast an eagle eye observation on the use of our two official languages (Bilingualism) during the campaigns.
OFFICIAL LANGUAGES
After the publication of Law No. 2019/019 of 24 December 2019 on the promotion of Official languages in Cameroon, it is becoming evident and urgent that in no distant future, civil servants aspiring to serve the state especially at the helm would be required to show proficiency in their mastery of English and French languages. The Canadians had already instituted two models namely the IMPERATVE and the NON-IMPERATIVE to bilingual skill appointments/ elections. IMPERATIVE means the candidate must meet all language requirements at the time of hiring. Non-IMPERATIVE means the candidate can be hired without meeting the language requirements, as long as they agree to become bilingual through government funded language training within a specified period. The government of Wales through the Welsh Language Commissioner (equivalent to the National Commission for Bilingualism in Cameroon) that continues to make policies for Welsh language to be on parity with English language also has the ESSENTIAL and DESIRABLE policy. ESSENTIAL means Welsh Language skills are a mandatory requirement for the job and the applicant must be able to perform the role’s duties in Welsh from day one. DESIRABLE means the Welsh Language skills are not essential but provide a significant advantage for candidates who possess the language skills.
During the 2025 campaigns most of the candidates made relative effort in oral bilingual communication even though this was limited to prime media interviews (75% of bilingualism visibility). Their campaign speeches from the rostrum followed basically what is called the principle of proportionality whereby the official language used was relative to the demographic language presence of the audience (30% of bilingualism visibility). The justification is that the language of choice is determined by the dominant language community. And so French became the campaign language in the eight Francophone regions and English in the two Anglophone regions. Yet the socio-dynamics of demography and the reality of language heterogeneity lend credence to the fact that most of our urban and semi-urban centres are home to our two official language communities hence the principle of language-alternation or paragraph bilingualism needed to prevail over the principle of proportionality. Reaching to the audience using language-alternation or paragraph bilingualism is itself a major marketing strategy as it enhances target audience communication, fosters social acceptance and belonging, and creates an environment of tolerance, accommodation and coexistence. The written aspect of bilingualism by the candidates was also admirable because most of their manifestos’ mission statements and content were in both official languages. (80% of bilingualism visibility). These include ‘Our time has come/ C’est notre moment’ (Iyodi); ‘Succeed together / Réussir ensemble’ (Libii); ‘Réperer, Rétablir Rénaitre/Repair Restore Rebirth ‘(Ateki); ‘Transition Manifesto/Manifeste de Transition’ (Tchiroma) ‘Sauver le Cameroun/Rescue Cameroon’ (Osih); ‘Le nouveau depart/ The new start’ (Hagbe). It was the same with some messages on bill boards ‘Greatness, Hope/ Grandeur, Espérance’ (Biya); and abbreviations on uniforms and mufflers ‘FNSC/CNFS (Tchiroma); ‘PCRN/CPNR’ (Libii); ‘NUDP/NUDP’ (Bello); ‘CPDM/RDPC’ (Biya); ‘MCNC/CNCM’ (Hagbe). However, placards, banners and signposts arguably designed by the candidates or their Representative and handed to their militants during campaigns were essentially in one official language (5% of bilingualism visibility). In terms of the content of the manifestos only one candidate pushed through the concern on the law of our two Official languages. Osih of SDF enumerated three concerns:
- Reform this law on bilingualism to make it mandatory in the private and public sectors and throughout the entire administration.
- Implement bilingual governance policies to respect cultural identity
- Demand the immediate application of all provisions of the law on bilingualism currently in force.
It is hoped that for subsequent elections, the National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism (NCPBM) would be in the vanguard of monitoring and evaluating candidates on their implementation of the relevant Sections of the law on the Promotion of official languages in Cameroon. This could be done first by a Consultation with heads of parties or flagbearers followed by an on the field evaluation by the Members of the NCPBM.
THREAD I: NATIONAL DIALOGUE
The call for dialogue in form and content was echoed by many candidates. This call has always been reinforced by Cameroonians especially after the 2019 Major National Dialogue. It was not surprising therefore to find this invitation to dialogue among flagbearers. Ateki suggests an Inclusive National Dialogue ending in a Truth and Reconciliation process. Tchiroma also believes in “setting up a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission to heal wounds and acknowledge responsibilities”. He also advocates the “immediate opening of an inclusive dialogue without taboos”. Bello commits to “offering dialogue with separatist leaders for lasting peace and reintegration of those who wish to return”. While Ndam Njoya also joins others to “opening an inclusive dialogue, Iyodi proposes the “demitarising our North west and South West Regions followed by an honest and inclusive reconciliation dialogue”. Osih thinks that “the Major National Dialogue had the weakness of not having the real protagonists around the table. He therefore promises to “launch a project of a new social contract through a true dialogue of trust and reconciliation as well as a constitutional conference that should lead to a constitutional referendum”. Matomba also evokes the idea of fashioning a new constitution.
QUESTION: Would this new dialogue be one modelled after the 2019 Major National Dialogue or would it be a National Dialogue on the Anglophone Problem?
THREAD II: THE ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM
Hardly did any candidate call the Anglophone problem by its name. “I shall complete actions underway to restore peace and security in crisis zone” (Biya). While Osih promises to end the violence in the North West and South West regions in 100 days, Bello pledges to solve the problem by “consulting with all stakeholders”. Tchiroma acknowledges that “Cameroon is going through a major political, security and identity crisis including conflicts in the English speaking regions”, he confesses that “without reconciliation and peace neither reform nor development can flourish”. While Hagbe proposes a “unity conference to resolve the Anglophone crisis”, Ateki promises to dialogue “with all parties to resolve the Anglophone crisis”, produce a Reconstruction plan for conflict-affected regions as well as release all political prisoners”.
QUESTION: Would any discussion on the Anglophone problem go to the crux of the matter?
THREAD III: FORM OF STATE
Apparently the discourse on the form of state is not in a hurry to go. In his Communal Federalism project Libii proposes a “Cameroonian Federal model inspired by others but locally adapted”. He advocates “communities to be constitutionally recognised as federative units, regions redefined on broadened community bases, current 10 regions be abolished, departments converted into regions and cluster-kindred regions be transformed into a maximum of 25 community Regions”. While Biya insists on “accelerating the decentralisation process through the transfer of competencies and resources to local councils”, Tchiroma prefers to “launch a constitutional reform to discuss the form of state”. Osih clamours for a three-tier Federalism based on Municipalities, Regions and the Federal state. He also believes in a semi-parliamentary system at the federal level, federated regions with elected Governors as well as a President of the Republic running on the same ticket as a Vice President. Bello’s vision is predicated on “granting the North West region (by extension South West region) a truly special status that respects education, legal and Administrative specificities”. According to Iyodi building a consensus on the form of state during a Sovereign National Conference and people adopting the conference resolutions through a referendum would be ideal. Ateki suggests what he calls “the GREAT CAMEROON” i.e. a great Republic of Cameroon in which Governors will be elected in a 10 state federation with real transfer of resources to local authorities.
QUESTION: Would the form of state still remain the elephant in the room?
THREAD IV: ECONOMIC MODELS
Akere has in mind “a local development programme which will focus on a need-based evaluation of 360 local councils in the domains of human and financial resources” as well as the emergence of what he calls the green industrialisation. I shall, says Biya, strengthen the mechanisms that regulate the prices of essential goods such as bread, oil, gas and rice, to protect household budgets. He also hopes to “accelerate the creation of rural development bank, continue to facilitate access to agricultural land, and strengthen the development of the fishing and livestock sector through targeted sustainable measures and through reinforcing import-substitution policy”. While Bello prefers to “launch an ambitious economic recovery plan to boost growth, create jobs and modernise infrastructure”, Ateki’s launch is to “boost employment and youth entrepreneurship”. Osih talks of also launching a socio-economic transformation programme that should “rescue Cameroonians from the current energy and water crisis”. He believes in building a knowledge economy, industrialisation and a systemic transformation that would change the extrovert nature of the economy. Tchiroma stands for an agriculture-based economy through a National Agriculture plan that would enable youths to be main players. He also sees the need for an industrial and digital economy with special economic zones in every region, a revised taxation policy that would encourage private investment and made in Cameroon products. Iyodi also believes in a green economy wherein agriculture growth centres shall be created in each division “to position Cameroon as leader in food processing in Africa”. Kwemo also shares the concept of a green economy with the creation of an Agriculture bank “to permit small medium industries to thrive”. Hagbe prefers launching “policies for employment and agro-industrial and pastoral agricultural sectors”. Ateki advocates “the deployment of massive programs for self-employment, training, starts-ups and transition from informal to the formal sector with the aim of creating 10.000 jobs”. Hagbe, Matomba,Iyodi, Libii and Ateki all believe in monetary sovereignty through “exiting the CFA franc, IMF and World Bank programs and creating what Hagbe calls “the krou” national currency, Matomba and Iyodi call a “Regional or Pan African currency and what Libii calls a “Treasury currency”. Such monetary reforms, Libii believes, shall help improve living and working conditions as well as raise purchasing power, wealth distribution with 30% from our national resources”. The Economist candidate Bougha Hagbe Jacques anchors his manifesto on the economic growth policy with focus on “human and entrepreneurial capital”, and a clear (macro) economic policy oriented towards the market.
QUESTION: Would it be urgent to convene a National Economic summit?
THREAD V: EDUCATION SECTOR
Concerns about our Education system were also taken into consideration. While Akere hints on a free and quality education for all, Tchiroma thinks free education should move up to the secondary level and an overhaul of school curricula. He gives premium to vocational education “by developing vocational training centres in all 10 regions”. Hagbe proposes “policies for a national education and research system that produce innovators and meets the needs of the labor market”. He further advocates the creation of public libraries across the country. Ateki rolls out his “Every child learns” program which aims to ensure primary education for one million out-of-school children focussing on rural and Anglophone regions. Iyodi suggests establishing a single bilingual education system for all, integrating practical applications of local resource transformation into school curricula and granting a special status for teachers. Candidate Osih makes the case for compulsory schooling especially in the rural areas where an incentive program to enrol children should boost school attendance.
QUESTION: Would these ideas relaunch a National Forum on Education that was mooted in the 2019 Major National Dialogue?
CONCLUSION
This panoramic view of manifestos is not exhaustive as many theories proposed by the candidates have been left out not out of irrelevance but for lack of space. These manifestos may not have a correlation with voter choice since it is argued that ethnic affinities, sinecure promises, and patronage considerations often define the logic of choice and the ultimate rational of belonging. Be it as it may if the masses do not find manifestos as political magnets during campaigns, it is incumbent on the political elite to treat manifestos as political compasses after elections. Our take home in our 2025 elections is that if we had fragmented and lingering coalitions among the candidates during the campaigns, nothing stops us from embracing a rainbow of ideological coalitions across the manifestos that would ensure a tapestry for collective development.
*writer and policy Advocate / gngwane1960@gmail.com
