By Adonis Byemelwa
In a notable development, the Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema) party is set to conclude its series of nationwide protests, named the ‘vuguvugu la haki ya Watanzania’ (Movement for the Rights of Tanzanians), on Tuesday, February 27, 2024, in Arusha. The peaceful demonstrations, which began in Dar es Salaam on January 24th and spanned various cities, aimed at pressing the government to address the escalating cost of living and to consider public opinions on electoral bills.
Salum Mwalimu, the coordinator of the northern region protests, announced the completion of all preparations, including securing permits and approvals from Arusha Regional Police. The demonstrations, led by top Chadema leaders such as Freeman Mbowe, Tundu Lissu, and Godbless Lema, gained momentum as citizens from different areas joined in various locations.
Despite the government’s announcement of the funeral for 25 individuals who lost their lives in a recent car accident, the protesters expressed condolences before continuing their activities. The government pledged support for funeral expenses, providing coffins and offering financial assistance for each deceased individual.
Mwalimu emphasized that the protests aimed to address fundamental issues without intending to overthrow anyone or the government. The demonstrations aimed to advocate for better living conditions, address electoral concerns and express the public’s discontent with certain government policies.
In response to the ongoing protests, Paul Makonda, the CCM publicity and ideology secretary, played down their impact by suggesting that President Samia has permitted Chadema to parade on well-paved roads akin to beauty pageant contestants. Makonda’s remarks faced criticism for their apparent lack of comprehension regarding the significant role of public demonstrations, a right protected under Article 20(1) of the 1977 Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania.
Article 20(1) explicitly grants every individual the freedom to assemble freely and peaceably. Contrary to Makonda’s portrayal of the protesters walking like Miss Tanzania on the well-paved roads, the constitutional provision emphasizes the right to lodge complaints and convey messages to relevant authorities. This constitutional protection is evident as regular activities come to a halt in major cities such as Dar es Salaam, Mwanza, and Mbeya, and now in Arusha, as citizens support the demonstrations in adherence to their constitutional rights.
Public demonstrations play a crucial role in challenging the dominant discourse and empowering citizens. They provide a platform for dissenting views to be heard and create a space for dialogue between those in power and the public. Protests act as a vital corrective to the potential tyranny of the majority and ensure the rights of minorities are not overridden.
As witnessed in historical events, large-scale protests can render government policies unworkable. The UK’s Poll Tax protests in 1990 led to the abolishment of the tax, showcasing the impact of collective dissent. The conclusion of Chadema’s nationwide protests marks a crucial moment in Tanzanian political activism, with potential ripple effects on public discourse and policy considerations.
Former Chadema MP Upendo Peneza, during an official introduction to her new political party, stated that Chadema’s call for protests was a strategy for the opposition party to assess its acceptance among the citizens. This sentiment was shared by many political observers who believed there was little hope for the protests to materialize
After their success, many now believe that the protests have confirmed several things: Firstly, the notion that protests jeopardize peace and the security of people’s property is unfounded. Secondly, there are still many opposition party supporters who are eager to engage in political activities when assured of their safety.
Political analyst and activist Dr. Thabit Jacob states that Chadema had no choice but to organize these protests to prove that the discussions the party had been conducting for almost a year had not weakened its chairman, Freeman Mbowe, or the party’s agenda. Remember that Mbowe was accused of being compromised, baseless allegations that the protests aimed to dispel. They sought to send a strong message that Mbowe had not been bought. However, they also addressed broader issues, demonstrating that the foundation of these protests was not only about an independent electoral commission and a new constitution but also the rising cost of living,” says Jacob.
Chadema announced the protests to oppose proposed changes to electoral laws as parliamentarians prepare to discuss these proposals early next month. “The difference now compared to the time of President John Magufuli is that his administration did not care to link the legitimacy of his government to democratic reforms. Something that the Samia administration values,” says Dr. Dan Paget, a politics lecturer at the University of Sussex in the UK.
Whether these protests will successfully pressure the government to address Chadema’s demands is uncertain, and analysts hesitate to confirm it at this time. “It is too early to say to what extent that will be possible, especially considering that Samia’s government has won negotiations with the Millennium Challenge Corporation of the United States, so they are playing their cards carefully,” says Rweyemamu.
In appointing government officials and within her party, the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), Samia has successfully disrupted predictions about her intentions or the direction her actions will take. The recent significant appointment of CCM Secretary-General Dr. Emmanuel Nchimbi is one example.
While Dr. Nchimbi is known for his positions, particularly those that went against the party’s central committee decisions in the selection of the party’s presidential candidate in 2015, his recent speeches, especially the one given in Dodoma during his reception, showed signs and indications of reconciliation between the ruling party and the opposition.
Despite all the progress and achievements, even though we will win overwhelmingly, we do not accept arrogance. We will continue to be humble. When we tell opponents that we ask them to sit down and talk, it does not mean they have a chance to win; they don’t. It is our magnanimity; we know we must serve our country. We also know that opponents have a constitutional opportunity to participate in building the nation. That’s why we plead with them, ‘Please, let’s sit down and talk,'” said Nchimbi.
Political analyst and close observer of Chadema’s activities, Dr. Aikande Kwayu, says he does not want to have too much hope that the government will make fundamental changes according to Chadema’s demands. “Samia talked about reconciliation, but it failed, she talked about reforms, but we see what they presented in parliament with these bills. I would like to have high hopes, but I see there is a strong force she is battling within her party,” says Dr. Kwayu.
Chadema’s nationwide protests have not only showcased the citizens’ demand for change but have also proven the efficacy of peaceful demonstrations as a legitimate means of expressing dissent. The protests have sparked a national conversation on crucial issues such as the cost of living, electoral reforms, and the role of opposition in a democratic society.
As the government grapples with internal challenges and international negotiations, the aftermath of these protests remains uncertain. The success of Chadema in mobilizing public support and challenging the government’s policies has set the stage for potential shifts in Tanzanian political dynamics. As the nation awaits the government’s response, the legacy of these protests may extend beyond the immediate concessions, influencing the trajectory of political discourse and policy considerations in Tanzania.
